by Ena Barisic
The Center for European Studies had hosted a roundtable
discussion talk, “Russian Politics, History, and Culture,” with Stuart Finkel,
Dragan Kujundzic, Bryon Moraski, and Eugene Huskey. Each professor included
their own topic that ties in Russia’s growing tension towards those who oppose
their aggression.
Professor Finkel began the discussion by showing a video
entitled “I am a Russian Occupant”. The main point presented was Russia creating
advantages for the countries that they took over. Once they left said countries, such as the
Baltics, the Balkans, and Ukraine, they faced many failures. This video supported his
point that
historical examples have been used to explain the tensions between Russia and
the West, along with Russia’s reasoning for staying in power.
Professor Huskey mentioned the impacts of
“Putin’s Russia” on nationalism and foreign involvement. This involved impacts
such as fixed elections, a totalitarian-type government, and a strict political
party that he controlled. Putin has held positions in office since 1998,
becoming a Prime Minister, President and finally Leader of his party, United
Russia. Russia’s lack of labor requires
immigrant workers from Europe and Asia. By the time that the youth become
adults, over 30% are classified as Russian Muslims. From this, Putin desires to create a
Euro-Asian Union, similar to the European Union. The Union would serve as a
tool to strengthen their trade with their neighbors. One of the countries
targeted is Khuzestan, whose president is not on board with the plan. This
brings up some reasons why Putin’s reign of power will not end soon: Russian’s
classification of a global power, Russian elite’s support, and Putin’s election
success.
Professor Moraski and Kujunzic illustrate the
influence of Russian culture on the elections. Most Russian elections are won
by the party holding over 30% of the votes; Putin’s party obtains between 50 to
70% of votes. Even when other parties are involved, almost every county is
participating in voting. This implies a notion of “Putin’s authoritarianism”
which includes him needing an image of invincibility, regional strong holds,
adding new regions for legitimacy, and more time gaps in between elections.
All in all, these arguments present possible explanations
for Russia’s reaffirmation of the lack
of desire for change. They have a long history of being belligerent and
dominant. Thus, creating the current tension with the West.